Association de Sauvegarde du

CHATEAU DE GAVRAY

THE PERIOD OF THE DUKES OF NOMANDIE

Note:  The section dedicated to the history of the castle ("History" tab) includes very large excerpts from the thesis "The castle of Gavray – History and archaeology" by Mrs. Jocelyne and Mrs. Jacqueline LEPARMENTIER – B.N.F.

Introduction

Neither the texts nor archaeology allow us to say precisely when and by whom the first castle of Gavray was founded.

 

Louis Ier


the Pious
or
the Debonair

 King of Aquitaine 781 Emperor of the West 814King of the Franks 814
 
Louis I by Jean-Joseph Dassy commissioned by Louis-Philippe for the Historical Museum of Versailles in 1837
Contemporary miniature of the Fulda School dating from 826 depicting Louis the Pious. Liber de laudibus Sanctae Crucis, by Raban Maur. Codex Vaticanus Reginensis Latinus 124.

The first mention of Gavray in a text dates back, it seems, to 832. It is a charter  of Louis I, known as the Pious or the Debonnaire, in which he confirms to the Abbey of Cerisy:

« Gabaregium in Bagasino cum omni integritate et appendiciis suis, de quibus quaedam conjacent in pago Constantino ad capiendum crassum piscem ». (1)

This text, unique in its kind since the second known mention  of Gavray dates from 1042, is extremely valuable but problematic since it places Gavray in the diocese of Bayeux.  Could Gavray have belonged to this diocese ?

The form Gabaregium is the only known occurrence of the suffix  "regium" in Gavray's name. Toponymic research agrees that this name is a pre-Latin theme  "vabr/wabr" which  would have a forest meaning, to which the suffix "etum"  is added.(2) The forms noted by François de Beaurepaire are as follows:  Wavreti 1042, Guavreio 1166, Wavray  1169, Gavretio, Wavreio 1198, Gavreio 1213. 

The hesitation between  the initial "g" and the "w"  should not be surprising in this region of linguistic border (the "Joret" line passes through the territory of Gavray).  In the end, it was the Francian-style version that won out.

In addition, the  "pagi" sometimes had unexpected cut-outs, as M. The Prevost. (3) To the west, it would be natural to think that the Vire would have served as the boundary between the Bessin and the Cotentin, however Saint Lô, located on the right bank, has always belonged to the Cotentin as well as to the bishopric of Coutances. The Bessin, on the other hand, advanced on the left bank as far as Gavrai, which formed the extreme frontier. He goes on to say that we should not be surprised at the disturbances that may have occurred in the Cotentin district towards the south-east, as a consequence of the consequences of its occupation by the Bretons in the 9th century, an occupation which seems to have extended as far as Bayeux.

Finally, a donation from Henri II, made to Falaise but undated, could confirm a link between Gavray and Bayeux. By this donation, the churches of Gavray, Mesnil-Amand and Ver were given in alms and prebend to the cathedral of Bayeux with chapels, tithes, lands, cens d'hommes and other dependencies which had formerly constituted a prebend. (4) There seems to be an old link between Gavray and Bayeux. To conclude, let us return to the text of the charter to emphasize the precision given to the dependencies:  "de quibus quaedum conjacent in pago Constantino" which apparently indicates the proximity of the "pagus".

The  history of Gavray is totally linked to the political history of Normandy. There has never been a feudal castle belonging to a family here: no lord  of Gavray, no fief, but a viscount, a castellan or a captain, that is to say a representative of the central authority, under the orders of the Duke of Normandy, the King of France, the King of Navarre or the King of England.

 

 

Guillaume de Normandie


Duke of Normandy 1035 King of England 1066

 
    Cliff: Statue of Guillaume sculpted by Louis Rochet (1818-1873).

It is possible that there was a ducal castle as early as the middle of the eleventh century, in the youth  of William, Duke of Normandy. Indeed, the first mention of Gavray, in ducal times, dates back to 1042. In a charter of William:

« Ego Guillelmus……..abbatiam Cerasii….. augere studens….. donavi deciman omnium denariorum vicecomitatusConstantini et decimam vicecomitatus Constanciarum et deciman vicecomitatus Wareti…… » (5),

il donne à l’abbaye de Cerisy la dîme des deniers de la vicomté du Cotentin, et de celle de Coutances et de Gavray notamment.

he gave to the Abbey of Cerisy the tithe of the monies of the Viscountcy of Cotentin, and of those of Coutances and Gavray in particular.

The origin of ducal institutions is not easy to grasp because of the scarcity of texts until 1035. The only certain fact, as far as the administration of the tenth and early eleventh centuries is concerned, is that the ancient division of Frankish Gaul, "the pagus", survived intact in Normandy while it is crumbling everywhere else.  Under Richard II, the pagi remained, but the duke placed either an earl or a viscount at their head. The vicecomitatus   of Gavray was never the seat of a pagus, thus constituting one of the two exceptions. It is difficult to imagine a viscounty that came out of nowhere, so it must be admitted, despite the absence of material evidence, that the town of Gavray already had some importance in William's youth.

 

The power of the viscounts was exercised in different areas:
- financial: collection of ducal revenues,
- judicial: a curia regis existed  in Gavray in 1159,
-military.........

This last aspect was the main function of the viscounts in the eleventh century, they were above all in charge of guarding the ducal castles. (6) As a result, it is legitimate to wonder whether a castle did not already exist at that time, although it is not implicitly mentioned until 1091.

Archaeological research carried out on the site of the castle has not unearthed such ancient constructions, although a layer of occupation from the eleventh century has been found. This layer rested on the rock, under the foundations of the present keep and under those of the round tower that had preceded it on the site. It contained, among other objects, two belt buckles, two rings (one of which was finely crafted), a bone tric-trac token and two coins identified by J. Pillet-Lemière.

This layer can therefore date back to the middle of the eleventh century and the objects discovered suggest an aristocratic or military occupation.

Objects found in the eleventh-century occupation layer and indicating aristocratic or military occupation.
Ring Jeton de tric-trac en os A bone dice to play

One of these coins is a denarius  of Conan II of Brittany (died 1066). It is one of the few Breton coins from this period to have been unearthed in Normandy. It is well preserved and seems to have circulated very little.
The other is one of the very first Le Mans denarii to have been circulated little but damaged by fire. This coin played the role of current currency in Avranchin from the middle of the eleventh century.

A coin of Conan II, Duke of Brittany.Issued around 1070, it was found in the occupation layer.
Conan II is depicted twice on the Bayeux Tapestry: when he flees from the city of Dol, and here, when he hands over the keys of the city of Dinan to William.

Gavray is located on the edge of the Avranchin (7) and seems to have had close relations with this region.

 

Henri Ier Beau Clerc


King of England in 1100Duke of Normandy in 1106

 

On his deathbed in 1087, William the Conqueror gave to:
- his rebellious elder, Robert Courtheuse, the Duchy of Normandy,
- his younger brother, William the Red, the Kingdom of England,
- his youngest, Henri Beau Clerc, a sum of money.

In conflict with his two  brothers, Henry claimed land and eventually had the county of Cotentin handed over to him, which he hastened to fortify to stand up to his brothers.       

 

Ordéric Vital recounts this episode and explains that because of these dissensions, Henry had to constantly fortify his strongholds: Avranches, Cherbourg, Coutances, Saint-James and Gavray, a new appearance in the picture of fortifications in the west of the duchy. (8)
Gavray was fortified in 1091.

 

Robert Courtheuse

 

Battle of Tinchebray

In September 1096, his brother, Robert CourtHeuse, then Duke of Normandy, set out on the First Crusade with his uncle Eudes, Bishop of Bayeux and with a great abundance of knights, barons and other people from Normandy: the Sire d'Estouville, the Paisnels, the Sire d'Hambye, Philippe and Henri de Saint Denis le Gast, Jean de Brécey, Guillaume de Percy and many others. He returned in 1100 with a halo of glory, but too late to prevent his brother Henry from seizing the crown of England. Tensions flared again and on 28 September 1106 at Tinchebray, Henry inflicted a decisive defeat on him and proclaimed himself Duke of Normandy.

He completely reorganised the defence of the duchy and reinforced many of its castles with a tower or a keep and had 1400 loophole castles in England and all the newly built castles in Normandy demolished except those that could be used for the defence of the country.

What was the shape of the fortress of Gavray in the 11th century ?

Archaeology has revealed nothing, nothing can be confirmed, only a comparison with other ducal castles of the eleventh century can allow us to imagine it. (9) Falaise, Arques, Fécamp, Exmes, Caen, Bonneville-sur-Touques are contemporary castles and the last four have been the subject of archaeological studies. It would seem that the most widespread type is that of a large enclosure without a keep, following the shape of the relief (all the more likely here since it is a spur site). The buildings are generally scattered and the defence is linear. According to Mr. de Boüard (10) the gate is the best defended point and usually houses the best of the garrison. It is always placed in the most vulnerable fragment of the enclosure, while the rampart, often of mediocre robustness, is located above a natural escarpment.

At Gavray, given the steep slopes of the spur, it can be assumed that it was the access isthmus that must have received the most important defences. As for the surrounding wall, given the configuration of the rock, it can be assumed that its location was not very different from the one we know, which is located everywhere at the break in the slope of the hill.

In 1123, Henry reinforced Gavray.

In a chronicle by Robert de Torigni, Gavray appears in a list of castles as follows:

« Sic etiam fecit castellum Gisorz, Falesiam, Argentomagum, Oximum, Danfrontem, Ambreras, castellum de Vira, Wavrei, turrem Vernonis similiter fecit. (11)

Should we conclude from this  that Gavray has a dungeon or simply that its defence has been reinforced? The text lacks precision. Excavation has shown that the quadrangular keep dates back to the English occupation and was preceded by a round tower destroyed during the siege of 1378. This tower could not be dated, but the date of 1123 seems too early to imagine that it could be the keep of Henry I.

At the same time, Henry had the rolls of bannerets, bishops and knights who were liable for military service in the castles of his domain checked. For Gavray, among the inhabitants bound by this obligation were: Roger de Montaigu, Raoul de Ver, the lord of Thienville, lord of Mesnil-Garnier, Guillaume de Rollos, lord of La Bloutière. The men of the barony of Saint Pair had to keep watch at the castle.
Among the dues due in the twelfth century, we note in the rolls of the time that:

 

"Guillaume de Rollos was registered for the service of a knight, the delivery of a pound of pepper and the sum of seven livres for the aid of the ost, Gilberte de Sartilly had paid 10 sols and 8 deniers for the trap of Richard d'Argences, Richard the Lionheart received the income from the rights collected for three fairs in Gavray, Benefits in kind and services of all kinds were paid by the vassals, the tenants were obliged to transport grain, wine and wood, in four-wheeled carts sometimes drawn by twenty oxen, chores for the supply of meat, fish, spices or for the cleaning of living rooms and stables,  the cleaning of ditches, the maintenance of mills, millraces, roads. Roads were due for "vinage", "powdering" (straight to the small wood), the milling of wheat at the king's three common mills, vain grazing in the second herbs, etc............................................ »

 

Henri II Plantagenêt


Duke of Normandy 1151  King of England 1154

 

On the death  of Henry I (1135), the War of Succession raged in Normandy between the supporters of Stephen of Blois and Geoffrey Plantagenet. The latter, defending the interests of his wife, Matilda the Empress, daughter of Henry I, conquered Normandy castle after castle. According to J. Yver (12), dozens  are mentioned in the chronicles of the time, Gavray is never mentioned, probably because his position did not make him a key point in the conquest. It was not until Henri II that Gavray was  found in history.

In 1159, by an act of Robert de Torigni (13), we know that  a "curia regis" was held in Gavray and settled a dispute between religious. The document details the subject matter of the dispute, presents the parties concerned, but does not provide any details on the debate and the functioning of this king's court.

In 1166, by a deed made in Fougères between Henri II and the barons of Saint-Pair, the latter had to pay each year on St. Michael's Day, to the constable of the castle of Gavray: "20 sous angevins or roumois". (14) (15) We can assume a certain contestation on the part of the barons since in exchange for this sum, the said barons are released from certain obligations (not specified in the text) due to the castle of Gavray: "quietam.... operationem quam facere solebant ad turrim meam de Gavreio'.

In addition, they were freed from the payment of certain charges to the tax collectors, and it was the abbot himself who was responsible for transmitting the total sum to the constable of the castle. What obligations the barons of Saint-Pair were subject to no certainty. Finally, this act raises another question. Indeed, J. Delisle introduces the Latin text as follows: "agreement concluded between King Henry II and Abbot Robert concerning the work to be done on the keep of Gavray". Of course, it is possible to think that this money will be used to finance work, but this is not said in the text and it is impossible to deduce from this act that the keep would have been rebuilt at that time.

The State of the Fiefs of 1172 (17) tells us how service to the castle was organised. Roger de Montaigu (Sieur de Montaigu-les-Bois), Raoul de Thieuville (Lord of Mesnil-Garnier and Mesnil-Hue), Raoul de Ver, Richard de Rollos (Sieur de la Bloutière), in particular, owed  military service to it. The holders of the same fiefs still owed the same service under Philippe-Auguste, and again in 1327.

 

Landless John


Count of Mortain 1189King of England 1199Duke of Normandy 1199

 

 

 

From 1195 onwards, the "Magni Rotuli" provide a wealth of small information, particularly about the castle. The accounts of 1198 mention the devastation suffered  by the region of Gavray as a result of the war waged by Jean-Sans-Terre, then Count of Mortain, against the authority of Richard the Lionheart. Mills and land were devastated, three fairs had not been held, the town of Gavray had  suffered devastation and the houses had to be repaired at the castle: "In reparandis domibus castri de Waurei... "I am not sure (18)

These few facts allow us to see the state in which these fratricidal struggles had left the region and perhaps explain the little resistance put up a few years later by the troops of Philippe-Auguste.

In 1203, Jean felt the need to   fortify his places, faced with the threat of the King of France Philippe-Auguste who was preparing to conquer Normandy.Important modifications were then made to the castle to put it in a state of defense.

We build:

- a barbican,
- an aula (a large room intended for official functions),
- a camera (a dwelling where the sovereign can reside),
- a wardrobe,
- two attics,
- two doors,
- eight new slots,

and, the bridge is repaired,

 

the whole, for the considerable sum of 263 lib. 10 sol 8 deniers. (19)

The barbican, in aerial view
La barbacane vue du château.

The work was paid for by "plaids of the sword" of the baillie of Avranches, estimated at fifty pounds. In 1199, Robert de Trégost was appointed captain of the castle. A statement of the expenses of its tenants by Pierre de Praères remains from this period:

« ... We have paid, by order of the king, per day for each the pay of: 3 knights at the rate of 6 sols, 5 squires at the rate of 2 sols 6 deniers, 20 sergeants-at-arms at the rate of 12 deniers, In addition, 263 livres 10 sols and 8 deniers were spent on:the construction of a barbican, a hall,  a vestibule (or vault), a wardrobe with two attics, two doors, and eight battlements, the restoration of the drawbridge, and, various repairs, notably to the king's mills at Gavray for 14 livres, 13 sols and 8 deniers".

These men stayed at Gavray from Saint-Hilaire (14 January) to Saint-Michel (29 September) 1203.A few months later, Philippe-Auguste took possession of Normandy.
Robert de Trégost, captain of the castle since 1199, did not want to part with his master Jean-Sans-Terre when fortune deserted him. He left Normandy, renouncing his castle of Trégotz, which was bathed by the Vire.


Notes et références :
1 - Recueil des historiens de France, t.VI, p.580
2 - F. de Beaurepaire : « Les noms des communes et anciennes paroisses de la Manche », éd. Picard, Paris 1986, p.121
Dauzat et Rostaing : « Dictionnaire étymologique des noms de lieu en France », éd. Larousse, Paris 1963
A.Vincent : « Toponomie de la France », Bruxelles 1937, p. 104,105
3 - M. Le Prévost : « Anciennes divisions territoriales de la Normandie », » Mémoires de la Société des antiquaires de Normandie », n°11, Paris 1840, p.35 et 39
4 - G.Renault : « Annuaire du département de la Manche », Saint-Lô, 1854, p.77
5 - M. Fauroux : « Recueil des actes des ducs de Normandie (de 911 à 1066) »,Caen 1961, p.254 et 255 (acte n°99)
6 - D.C. Douglas : « William the Conqueror : the norman impact upon England », Londres 1964 p.140,141 : « Probably the most important responsabilities of the norman « vicomtes » were military…. More specifically was the norman « vicomte » from his first appearfance the normal custodian of a ducal castle ».
7 - L. Musset : « Réflexions sur les moyens de paiement en Normandie aux XIème et XIIème siècle », » Aspects de la société et de l’économie dans la Normandie médiévale », » Cahiers des annales de Normandie », n°22, Caen 1988 p.83
8 - Ordéric Vital : « Histoire de Normandie », éditée par Marjorie Chibnall, t.IV, Oxford 1973, p.220 : pour l’année 1091 « Eodem tempore Constantinienses Henricus Clito strenue regebat, rigidusque contra fratres suos persistebat. Nam contra ducem inimicicias agitabat…….His itaque pro causis oppida sua constanter firmabat…… Abrincas et Caesaris burgum et Constantiam atque Guabreium, aliasque munitiones possidebat ».
9 - A. Renoux : « Châteaux et résidences ….», p. 113 sq.
M. Daliphard : L’architecture militaire en Normandie à l’époque ducale, Les siècles romans en Basse-Normandie, Art de Basse-Normandie n°92, Caen 1985, p.50,51
10 - M. de Boüard : « Manuel d’archéologie médiévale, de la fouille à l’histoire », Sedes, Paris 1975, p.113
11 - Robert de Torigni, abbé du Mont Saint-Michel, « Chronique : Société de l’histoire de Normandie, Rouen 1872, I p.165 : « circa turrem Rothomagi…..murum altum et latum cum propugnaculis aedificat…. Turrem nichilomonus excelsam fecit in castello Cadomensi, et murum ipsius castelle…. In altum crevit…..Item castellum quod vocatur Archas turre et moenibus mirabiliter firmavit ».
12 - J. Yver : « Chateaux-forts… » p.102
13 - R. de Torigni : Chronique ….., t.II, p.259 : « in curia regis, apud Warreium ».
14 - ibidem, t.II p.285 : « ….abbas et barones de honore Sancti Paterni daturi sunt singulis annis ad festum sancti Michaelis conestabulario ejusdem castelli XX solidos Andegavensium vel Romesinorum si cucurrerint ».
15 - L. Musset : « Reflexions ….. » p.85 et 86.
16 - R. de Torigni : ibidem « Nec liceat gravennariorum vel bedellorum propter predictos XX solidos intrare terram abbatis, sed mittet abbas per ministrum suum conestabulario illius castelli XX solisos…… »
17- cf « Etat des fiefs de 1172, in libro rubeo scaccarii normannia » publié par de Houard, Paris 1776, t.I, p.246
18 - « Magni rotuli scaccarii normanniae sub regibus angliae », Mem., Soc., Ant., Norm., t. XVI p.2
19 - cf. ref. note 32 p.86 : « Pro una barbacana de novo facienda et 1 aula et 1 camera et despensa garderoba et 2 graneriis et 2 portis et 8 breteschis de novo faciendis. Et pro ponte reparando et pro castello hord….operationibus ejusdem castri…… ».

 

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